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A Thief In The Macellum (crux Story By Montycrusto)

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I think the next one will be set against the backdrop of the Siege of Malta in 1565. Unless anyone has any better ideas? We might catch a glimpse of the fearsome Dragut, the famous Barbary Buccaneer turned Admiral. I love a good siege. Struck by this line from the wikipedia page on the Great Siege:

"Mustafa had the bodies of the knights decapitated and their bodies floated across the bay on mock crucifixes. In response, de Valette beheaded all his Turkish prisoners, loaded their heads into his cannons and fired them into the Turkish camp."
 
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Great writing. As you say, it's complete in itself, and it holds so much in its short frame. :)
Thanks JR, I was very happy that it sort of opened out at the end into a bit of meditation on life and death, memory and history. It's a bit of a cheap trick, using historical irony like I did, (characters discussing the inconceivable fall of Rome, which we know is in fact inevitable) but i hope I got away with it :)
Thanks for reading it!
 
I got all fired up by the research; Nobody knows who Alkimila really was, but it's enough for me that her name is remembered.
That is a perfect anchor for a story: you have a starting point in ancient reality, and an endpoint with the fact, that the trace of Alkimila's memory does persist, in the graffito. It's yours to fill in everything in between, which you've successfully done...
montycrusto said:
monologue is much more forgiving than dialogue; with dialogue you end up either going too far into modern idiom ...or too far the other way into cod ancient-speak
I like it when not too many "Romanisms" are put in the way of the progress of story-telling. Some stories place latin words for every little thing even when there's a completely suitable word in the writer's native language, and then seem more artificial than "authentic"...
montycrusto said:
I think the next one will be set against the backdrop of the Siege of Malta in 1565. Unless anyone has any better ideas?
You ideas are clearly good enough as well as your realization of them ;) Malta itself, is a good setting for such a story, with all its history, and the many traces of its existence under threat for centuries, that you can still find all over the island today.
A turkish janissary would make an interesting narrator; they were elite troops made up of former christians
The devşirme (the systematic "collection" of Christian boys as living blood tribute, in order to be converted to Janissaries), and the sometimes upflaring resistance against it among the European peoples existing under Ottoman oppression, could be in itself a story source. Before technical advancements gave the West an advantage, Ottomans were only repelled where Europeans could bring themselves to equal or exceed them in brutality ... as seen in the example of the Siege of Malta... (or that certain famous Romanian dragon...) - the challenge for story-telling here will be, not to be carried away in a contest of escalating atrocities...
 
That is a perfect anchor for a story: you have a starting point in ancient reality, and an endpoint with the fact, that the trace of Alkimila's memory does persist, in the graffito. It's yours to fill in everything in between, which you've successfully done...

I like it when not too many "Romanisms" are put in the way of the progress of story-telling. Some stories place latin words for every little thing even when there's a completely suitable word in the writer's native language, and then seem more artificial than "authentic"...

You ideas are clearly good enough as well as your realization of them ;) Malta itself, is a good setting for such a story, with all its history, and the many traces of its existence under threat for centuries, that you can still find all over the island today.

The devşirme (the systematic "collection" of Christian boys as living blood tribute, in order to be converted to Janissaries), and the sometimes upflaring resistance against it among the European peoples existing under Ottoman oppression, could be in itself a story source. Before technical advancements gave the West an advantage, Ottomans were only repelled where Europeans could bring themselves to equal or exceed them in brutality ... as seen in the example of the Siege of Malta... (or that certain famous Romanian dragon...) - the challenge for story-telling here will be, not to be carried away in a contest of escalating atrocities...
Thank you malins, that was awe-inspiringly erudite and highly interesting! I will certainly be careful not to wallow in atrocity... though I would like to maybe paddle in it for a while. This is cruxforums after all :) I read a terrific book about the Great Siege by Ernle Bradford - I don't know if you've seen that one, it's rather old and there are probably better ones out there. Anyway, thanks again for your comments!
Monty
 
In the same town (Puteoli) in 1959 eight tabernae (inns/shops) were found. In one of them (taberna 5) there are a number of fascinating graffiti (words and drawings).

Beside the great scientific tract »Crucifixion in the Mediterranean World« (WUNT 327, Tübingen, 2014) by John Granger Cook and the cited pdf by by John Granger Cook, too,

there is an interesting article of Gino Zaninotto refering to the »Crucified Alkimilla Graffito« by Gino Zaninotto published in connection »Pro Shroud« , 1987 September / October, p. 18-26.

Of greatest interest, because of the very exceptional cases, appears the representation of a Roman crucifixion found recently in a graffiti of a tavern of Pozzuoli, placed in the vicinity of the amphitheater.
...
Remarkable elements: the Cross to Tau: the stipes is constituted by a pole, and the patibulum presents a less coarse. The hands are fixed to the patibulum at the wrists. The feet, in contrast, are secured with a single nail (?). The cruciario rides a 'cornu' and shows the divergence of the knees. The body seems covered with an animal skin, probably to attract the wild animals at the end of the torture to make havoc of the body and devour it.

On the occasion of the International Congress of Sindonology, held in Turin in 1978, Fr Umberto Fasola gave official notice. In that conference they were also given the design of the measures: height 40 cm, width 26 cm scaffold, cruciario figure of 35 cm (1). Depicted presumably shoulders like the crucified 'blasphemy' of the Palatine, the cruciario presents arms in extension, while the hands appear fixed to the ends of the scaffold nails driven through in carpi. No detectable ropes or rings. The feet, even these supposedly nailed to the vertical pole, are overlapped and in opposition to each other. One third of the stipes escapes a stake, on which 'rides' the cruciario. Its function is to support the weight of the body. It 'clear, in fact, that the arms are not taut; the right hand, also has a rotary motion around the hole carpal: which is not random if so deemed the roughness of the drawing. Around the graffiti they run the greek letters, draw presumably in a period after the incision. The first four reveal a hand different from that which affected the later.

Because of its location along the route that funneled traffic to Cuma it is considered that the tabena remained in operation mainly in the first century. C .; It not is ruled out that it was also in the era following the entry into operation of the Via Domitiana. Dating to the first century is out by an examination of the wall built in 'opus reticulatum' (2). From simple lines of graffiti shows the dramatic description of "supplicium servile" it lacks any news figurative (3). We could say that the most humble of fine arts was in charge of transmitting a crucifixion, like the pantomime, the last in the performing arts.

In comparison with other crucifixions known to us, it seems that there are no references to a cult, as in the cross of Herculaneum, or a mockery Christian as graffiti in the Palatine.

Hypotheses proposed

Before presenting the hypotheses formulated so far, it seems appropriate to mention the activities of the amphitheater stage at which the tabena is located. Probably in this environment it is to be found the cause or the emotion that prompted the unknown designer graffire to the wall with a scene of the crucifixion.

The amphitheater was built to accommodate the 'munera', shows that were performed carnage of men and animals. Depending on the time of day, they were offering different attractions. In the morning he enjoyed the 'venatio' where they hunted and ravaged by wild beasts. Sometimes common criminals and convicted of both sexes, according to the wickedness and proven social condition (4), were dragged into the arena and fed to the fairs.

At noon, during the break between the venatio and gladiatorial games , the authorities offered the spectacle of atrocious carnage mutual between those who had been declared guilty of ladroneggio, fire or murder. Driven arena to lashes, threatened by hot irons, two unfortunates were facing, one unarmed, the other equipped with a sword and armor; which did not offer the first no possibility of escape. He, in turn, faced another rival armed disarmed, succumbing fatally. The third repeated the script of those who had preceded him, and so on until the ceremony ended with the mutual elimination of "noxii" (5). In the absence of the condemned, or when the fierce ceremony petered out quickly, the interval was occupied by actors, mimes and pantomimes, which gave instructions to keep the populace happy with the representation gesture, sensual myths of the Greeks and Romans. The amphitheater is adorned then other scenarios. Those grim (6) and dangerously fascinating is passed to those soft and degrading (7) in order to provide moments of relaxation, tickle the baser instincts with the aid of flutists and mimes (8).

The afternoon and into the night, the mob accalorava with skirmishes and with performances by gladiators trained in specialized schools, called "gladiatorial ludi", which could even enroll women (9). They were designed to satisfy the most discerning palates, in terms of weapons, through exercises of high school, called "oplomachie" in which "the man, holy man, is killed now for fun" (10) .

Now the graffiti could be some mention of the circus scenes?

Maiuri, the first to have the news of the discovery of the graffiti does not suspect nothing about scenes amphitheater. He believes that it is a representation of the crucifixion of Jesus. The port cities of Campania - he says - and among these in particular Pozzuoli, gladly welcomed the preaching of the Gospel, so that the seed of the new word began to give soon bear fruit. The tavern, then, could be considered a place of meeting of the followers of the Crucified, who, like St. Paul saw in the cross of Christ a cause for which to glory (11).

The hypothesis, really fascinating, has not yet found sufficient consensus among scholars. It would ban, in fact, the figurative motifs that decorate the tavern, the nature of the environment (a caupona), the usual frequenters (cart drivers and spectators of Ludi). Post nearby amphitheater, and so closely related to the history of the place, the tavern could not reflect the moods of those who had witnessed the events.

These reasons have led the Guarducci to investigate in the opposite direction to the one that sees represented the suffering Christ. It excludes that it is a sign Christian both for the period of time (the first century), both for the type of representation crudely realistic, very distant from a cultural symbol. The crude designer, in his opinion, would affect the wall under the emotion of an execution by crucifixion. In fact a whole view of the other figures graphite, the crucifixion has links with the massacres circus, in clear opposition to the mystical prayer meetings (12). Indeed, the graffiti openly describes the execution of a woman in bondage. The hypothesis is backed up by three elements. The condemned, condemned the better, is coated with a wide tunic, while cruciari in general, and thus also Jesus, had posted naked, or with a cloth (subligaculum, perizonium) around his waist; and estimated, however, that women were covered with a tunic (13). A second element is apparent dall'accenno a long hair. Finally above the head of the woman's name is drawn Cruciano ALCIMILLA.

The researcher concludes that assuming the graffiti represents probably the crucifixion of a Christian, according to the text of Tacitus concerning the persecution of Nero in which some were tortured and killed women (14). In its support you can add rarity, at least during the first century, the crucifixion of female persons (15), for which the singularity of fact could have shaken the feeling of the unknown designer.

On line Guarducci, although reaches a different conclusion, the proceeds Tumolesi Sabatini, who is credited to have provided for the correct interpretation of the inscription of Pompeian CRUCIANI in CRUCIARII, as he had previously suggested Guarducci the same (16). The scholar excludes, however, links to the Christian persecution. Alcimilla, the hypothetical crucified, was to be a woman of servile status, guilty of a crime for which punishment moved judges, appointed by specific legal provisions (17). Place of performance could be either the amphitheater of Pozzuoli, is to Cuma, if you believe the term probative Cumis that appears next to the cross, so it would be a possible link between the 'munus' enrollment Pompeii and our graffiti.

Fasola father believes that the graffiti depicts a male individual, crucified in the amphitheater of Pozzuoli. In drawing made by a rude hand is detectable fact that broad tunic which would indicate a woman. If a cloth exists, this envelop only the lower area of the trunk, like a fringe. In any case, only the inexperience with which the designer has scored the contour of the thighs suggests such an interpretation. Moreover, still he asserts the scholar, there is no visible garment in the remaining parts of the body, as it is absent any indication of the sleeves and any trace of hem around the neck. It would, instead, of a crucified man in full nudity. The lines of the trunk are to emphasize the ribs heavily strained by the expansion of the chest. The signs of asphyxiation would be given by mouth as wide open to those who, feeling suffocated, trying to inhale air. And 'likely that those who drew the graffiti "was to bring a strong impression in the memory of the show" (18).

Except Maiuri, then, scholars agree in placing the crucifixion in an amphitheater, one of Pozzuoli and Cuma or see in the author of the graffiti a spectator deeply impressed by crucifixion; They diverge, however, on the sex of the character, the social group, the reasons for the sentence. One might suggest that the author of the graffiti wanted to declare satisfied complacency for the execution of a notorious bandit who had infested the area with its abuses, completing businesses bandit or massacres (19). Under these assumptions, why not add the recitation of a mime, whose main character was the robber Laurealo?

NOTES
1] U. Fasola. Discoveries and archaeological studies from 1939 to the present that contribute to illuminate the problems of the Shroud of Turin. AA.VV .. The Shroud and Science. Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Sindonology 197B. Turin. 1979. p. 76.

2] U. Fasola. Discoveries pp. 75-76: SABBATINI TUMOLESI. Gladiatorum Paria in Series tituli University of Rome. 1979. p. 108.

3] it appears totally absent iconography Roman crucifixion. Only recently F. Coarelli [Five Fragments of a painted tomb from the Esquiline. AA.VV., Roman frescoes from the collections of the Antiquarium Comunale. Rome. 1976. pp. 25-28) proposes to see in a fresco of the second century. to. C. from a tomb dell'Esquilino a likely crucifixion. It is a painting of a naked man and a beard hanging from a beam. It would undoubtedly be the oldest depiction of a Roman crucifixion and moreover the only one.In my opinion it would be a "supplicium blackberries maiorum 'hitting citizens, guilty of attacks on the state [eg. Perdulleio . Livio 1? 26; an attempt to restore the monarchy]. The punishment consisted in the suspension to a beam, to a tree or pole and beating condemned by rods to secure the death.

4] The 'Passiones' and 'Acta Martyrum' tell how dare so many Christian men and women, have faced martyrdom during 'venatio' [Eusebio EH 5.1.36]. Cf J. CARCOPINO. Daily life in Rome. Bari 1972. pp. 264-279.

5] SENECA. Epistle 7. She says she joined the circus around noon to "watch a skit to distract the mind and to rest his eyes from the sight of human blood."

6] G. FLAVIO. AJ 19. 1.31 [91].

7] APULEIO. Metamorphoses 10. 29 in which also he recalls scenes of bestiality.

8] LODGING. In Flaccum 84:85 it reports that executions and torture of Jews in the amphitheater were 'brightened' by flutists and mimes.

9] MARTIAL. Spect. 1. 6b. 3-1; GIOVENALE. Sat 11.

10] SENECA. Ep 90. MS; 95. 33.

11] St. Paul. Galatians 6. 14; A. MAIURI. The Campania at the time of the landing of St. Paul , in Roman Studies 9 [1961], 135-147.

12] M. GUARDUCCI. Inscriptions Greek and Latin in a tavern of Pozzuoli , in Acta of the Fifth Epigraphic Congress in 1967. pp. 219-223.

13] There are reports of floggings of Vestal performed by the Pontifex Maximus [Livio 20. B; Massimo V. 1. 11. While the denudation was mandatory in these situations according to the formula: "Summove. Lictor. Verbera, despoglia" [Seneca. Controv . 9. 2] Vestal, however, was hit in the dark and with an interposed veil [Dionysius 1. 78. 5]

14] M. GUARDUCCI. Inscriptions ... p. 222.

15] Although rare, they have come to us news of crucifixions of women in the East. So such punishment was contemplated in the codes Assyrians [VAT 1000. 52], in those Babylonians [ code Harnmurabi . 153]. Executions in Egypt [Justin 30. 2. 7], in Judea [ Mishnah Sanhedrin 6. 4]. With the Romans, as well as news handed down in martyrology [Blandina. Eulalia. Julia], the Prosecutor Floro in 64-66 d. C. crucified 3,600 people including women and children [G. FLAVIO, BJ, 2 11 9 [206] et seq.], The emperor Tiberius condemned the cross Ida. handmaid of the Pauline [G. FLAVIO, AJ 18. 3.4 [878].

16] CIL IV. 1. Supp. 9983. The term 'cruciarius' means both condemned to the cross is who is worthy of the cross. The Acta Martyrum tell that Christians put to death in the amphitheatres data were then fed to the fairs. As Tertullian reminds the term 'semiaxi' to mock Christians linked to a half-axis, or 'sarmentarii' because surrounded by fagots once tied to the pole. It 'likely that the term used in the epigraph indicates the culprits tied to poles [ jamb s, cruces ] to be burned or paste to the Fairs. It 'likely that the mode of crucifixion in the amphitheater has any variations than that performed in the' fields scoundrels'. While here the prisoners were kept alive for several days, there were eaten at the end of the show, and therefore, to attract the trade, were covered with animal skins.

17] P. SABBATINI-TUMOLESI. Gladiatorum ... p. 108.

18] U. Fasola. Discoveries ... p. 76.

19] During the empire, chiefly to its decline, the crucifixion from 'supplicium servile' [torture of slaves] became 'supplicium latronum' [punishment for bandits], due to the spread of banditry throughout the empire [APULEIO . Metam . 4;PLINIO. For Familiares 6. 25]. The crucifixion of the criminals was solemnly publicized so that the Dig MB. 19, 28, 15 declared: "Punish the bandits in the same places where they committed the crimes serves to distract from other similar companies (...) is to give some satisfaction to the relatives of the victims." So Callistratus, De Poenis 38.
 
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Well, montycrusto, if variety is the spice of life is it also the spice of death, in this case death by crucifixion? How interesting that you have in this story chosen to portray a "backwards" crucifixion where the victim is nailed facing her own cross. Does that method make things any easier on the victim's psyche? It certainly isn't something you see a lot, even here.
 
15] Although rare, they have come to us news of crucifixions of women in the East. So such punishment was contemplated in the codes Assyrians [VAT 1000. 52], in those Babylonians [ code Harnmurabi . 153]. Executions in Egypt [Justin 30. 2. 7], in Judea [ Mishnah Sanhedrin 6. 4]. With the Romans, as well as news handed down in martyrology [Blandina. Eulalia. Julia], the Prosecutor Floro in 64-66 d. C. crucified 3,600 people including women and children [G. FLAVIO, BJ, 2 11 9 [206] et seq.], The emperor Tiberius condemned the cross Ida. handmaid of the Pauline [G. FLAVIO, AJ 18. 3.4 [878].

In fact the earliest account of the martyrdom of Eulalia (Prudentius Peristephanon V) doesn't have her curcified, she is tied between two pillars with burning braziers either side of her, and roasted - she shakes her long hair to catch the fire and speed her end - when nearly dead she's taken out and thrown on the cold slabs in the Forum of Emerita Augusta, where a snow-shower covers her naked body. The theme of crucifixion was only added into the hagiography of the - obviously 'borrowed' - Eulalia of Barcelona at a much later date.

Neither was Blandina crucified, she was hung up in a net in the arena and gored to death by an angry bull.

But to Julia (of Carthage and Corsica), we can reasonably add Candida, an early martyr who was executed on the Ostian Way, where she would presumably have been crucified.
 
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